The 1995–1996 Belarusian constitutional crisis was a confrontation between a Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko and an opposition-dominated Supreme Council of Belarus. During that period, Lukashenko attempted to strengthen his powers and weaken parliamentary and judiciary control of his office.
1995
Referendum proposal
March-April 1995
Lukashenko wanted to make a referendum in 1995 that will give him a right to dissolve a parliament, change Belarusian state symbols to those similar to Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, introduce Russian language as a second state language alongside Belarusian, and increase integration with Russia. He also initially wanted a question to renounce Belavezha Accords. At that time, according to the law, the president of the country could not announce referendums, but only initiate them for consideration by the Supreme Council. On March 18, 1995, the newspaper "Zvyazda" published appeals to Lukashenko, allegedly signed by 74 deputies of the Supreme Council (out of 238 deputies). At the same time, one of the signatories, deputy Boris Savitsky, stated at a session of the Supreme Council that he did not consent to his signature being placed on the appeal. The first appeal concerned changing state symbols, the second seeking to grant Russian the status of a second state language. The first appeal stated that the Vytis and the white-red-white flag, used by "Hitler's minions," take on particular significance on the eve of the 50th anniversary of victory in the German-Soviet War and are negatively perceived by society. "Considering that Belarus is a sovereign state, it is inappropriate for it to adopt the coat of arms and flag, even of a friendly but different sovereign state – Lithuania, which were approved by parliament much earlier than our republic." The second letter claimed that the language law allegedly violates the constitution and other international instruments, and restricts the rights of citizens.
On April 7, 1995, the Union of Writers of Belarus appealed to the Supreme Council to defend the language and symbols.
On March 23 and 24, the Supreme Council discussed the issues proposed by Lukashenko for the referendum. Among the arguments against the referendum, the chairman of the parliamentary committee on legislation, Dmitry Bulakhov, noted that, according to current law, amendments and additions to the Constitution cannot be made during the last six months of the term of office of the Supreme Council, and issues that violate the inalienable rights of the people to sovereign national statehood, state guarantees of the existence of the Belarusian national culture and language, cannot be submitted to a referendum. The issue of language status fell into this category, and therefore submitting it to a referendum was unconstitutional. In response, Deputy Chairman of the State Construction Commission Mikhail Kazyukhits, while supporting Lukashenko's proposal, essentially stated that the law could be ignored if necessary. Lukashenko himself, present during the discussion, continued to maintain in his speech that he was not breaking the law, but did not provide any legal arguments, and in the event that the referendum was not held, he practically threatened to dissolve parliament.
Parliamentary vote On April 10, discussions on the referendum continued. The proposed questions changed several times. In their speeches, opposition MPs continued to draw attention to the fact that, according to the law, issues of the status of the language and national symbols cannot be submitted to a referendum. Siarhei Navumchyk recalls that at that time the deputies, among whom were many former members of the nomenklatura (leaders of the Soviet administration) and communists, could vote for a referendum on questions about language and symbols. Back in the autumn of 1993, due to the intensification of pro-Russian sentiments, the majority of the members of the Constitutional Committee of the Supreme Council voted to remove from the text of the Constitution of Belarus the mention of the sources of Belarusian statehood – not only the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Belarusian People's Republic, but also the Belarusian SSR – which was supported by the majority of the corps of deputies. To prevent such a development, on April 10 opposition MPs agreed to take radical action.
On April 11, 1995, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus, at its meeting in the Oval Hall of the Government House, opened its session with speeches by deputies Mikalay Kryzhanavsky, Yury Belensky, and Zianon Pazniak. They declared the referendum on language and symbols illegal and violating the constitution. Opposition MPs then went on a hunger strike, left their seats in the middle of the Oval Hall, and sat in front of the presidium, near the lectern.
Chairman of the Supreme Council Myechyslaw Hryb announced that according to the law, the parliament must consider the president's proposal and to vote on it. Gennady Moiseyev then addressed the deputies, who was outraged that the day before state television had broadcast agitation in favor of Lukashenko's new proposals, but did not give the floor to any of the deputies As a result of the vote on the questions: Do you agree with assigning the Russian language the status equal to that of the Belarusian language? – 124 voted in favour (from 238) with 152 required for approval Do you support the suggestion about the introduction of the new State flag and State Coat of Arms of the Republic of Belarus? Yes or no? – 150 MPs supported it (two votes short) Do you agree with the necessity of the introduction of changes into the acting Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, which provide for early termination of the plenary powers of the Supreme Soviet by President of the Republic of Belarus in the case of systematical or gross violations of the Constitution? – only 86 deputies voted, almost half of the required number. Do you support the actions of the President aimed at economic integration with Russia? – the question received the required number of votes – 180 Thus, three of the four questions proposed by Lukashenko were not adopted. In response, Lukashenko emotionally stated that the issues (language, symbolism, the right to dissolve parliament and integration with Russia) allegedly form an "integral complex" which the MPs "violated" by considering these issues separately
"Night in the Parliament" In the evening, Halina Syamdzianova received information that force might be used against the hunger strikers. Zianon Pazniak asked the chairman of the Supreme Council, Myechyslaw Hryb, to provide them with protection, stating that the KGB leadership had allegedly promised to send its men.
After 6:00 p.m., the presidential guard demanded that journalists leave the room. Only Radio Liberty correspondent Alena Radkevich remained. At 10:10 p.m., Lukashenko-controlled state television broadcast a report on the starving deputies, including the words: "The president tried to resolve the issue peacefully, but exhausted all options."
At 11:00 PM, Mikhail Tesavets, head of the Security Department, entered the Oval Office with Vyacheslav Korolev, head of the Presidential Security Service. They were accompanied by dozens of people in military and police uniforms, as well as men with heavy builds in leather jackets. Tesavets said they had received a telephone notification of a bomb threat in the parliament building and were asked to leave the building, as an evacuation was underway. Tesavets cited Hryb's order to leave the chamber. However, the MPs contacted the chairman and learned that Hryb had not issued such an order. Tesavets then ordered his aides to forcibly remove the MPs from the chamber, but they refused when they saw the MPs' ID cards and were told they would face criminal liability for violating parliamentary immunity. At that moment, two cameramen appeared on the balcony above the Oval Office and began filming everything. Tesavets and Korolev decided to try to get at least one of the deputies out of their seats—first they pulled Boris Guntar out of his chair, then Igor Hermenchuk, but the deputies held hands, and the plan failed.
While the dust was settling, a group of bomb disposal experts led by a colonel, equipped with specialized equipment and dogs, searched the Oval Office for a bomb.
At 11:00 PM, the guards entered the room, approached journalist Radkevycz, who had been writing a report at the Chairman of the Supreme Council's table (because that's where the lamp was), and removed the cassette from the recorder. A few minutes later, Radkevycz herself was escorted from the room, taken to a security room, and interrogated there.
Several deputies descended to the first floor because all the doors were open. Police advised them to go outside to the square, with no guarantee of return. The deputies even managed to give an interview through the closed glass doors to journalists waiting for them from the street. They said that a motorcade had entered the courtyard of the Government Palace and that the lights had come on in the presidential chambers. Siarhei Navumchyk and Aleh Trusaŭ claim to have seen the presidential limousine in the courtyard and believe that Lukashenko himself arrived at the government building at that time.
At 12:41 a.m. on April 12, sappers inspected the building, and the report was signed on behalf of the deputies by Aleh Trusau and Boris Gunther.
At 2:35 a.m., Valentin Golubev, who had opened the door to the lobby earlier, noticed men in camouflage. He shouted, "Come on! Soldiers with machine guns and masks!". Golubev said that in the hall, lined up in several rows, were soldiers in uniforms, with weapons, and wearing gas masks, "a total of five or six hundred people." The hungry people jumped up and sat down in the right sector of the Presidium of the Supreme Council. People with video cameras (at least two) appeared on the balconies of the meeting room.
At 2:48 a.m., Tsezavets, Korolev, and an unknown man in a paramilitary uniform (Naumchik later identified him as Yuri Barodzich, then commander of Alpha and later head of Lukashenko's Security Service) entered the room. The deputies were given five minutes to leave the room, after which a company of officers left. The deputies agreed that if they were removed from the chamber, they would resist: they would grab each other, and if the attackers managed to break the chain, they would try to tear off their masks and cling to the tables and chairs as tightly as they could.
At 2:51 a.m., all the doors opened simultaneously, the lights came on in the room, and about 200 people in black masks and dark jumpsuits rushed in. They were followed by special forces soldiers wearing helmets, respirators and carrying batons, and machine guns were placed around the room.
Belenki later said that one of the first attackers in black somersaulted in the air and kicked Pazniak in the chest. Hermianczuk recalled: "They attacked from all sides. First, they pulled out those sitting on the edge. Three of them immediately jumped on Pazniak, started choking him, turning his head away, and putting their fingers in his eyes." Pazniak and Hermianczuk managed to rip off the masks of several attackers. The opposition leader was beaten particularly severely, as Navumchik later recalled: "One of the 'gorillas' kicked him in the chest, another turned his head and pressed his eyes. Then, as they led him away, they beat Pazniak against a wall. A forensic examination revealed five injuries of varying severity."
Lyavon Barshchewski recalled that his arms were twisted behind his back, "so that my chin was below my knees. I was dragged along a semicircle of the cross aisle that ran along the back row of replacement chairs. A chain of soldiers in camouflage and with full ammunition stood by the chairs, each of them trying to hit me in the face with their boots.