Relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia have been historically adversarial and are currently nonexistent. Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after the Eritrean War of Independence, after which relations were cordial. Since independence Eritrea's relationship with Ethiopia was entirely political, especially in the resuscitation and expansion of IGAD's scope. However, the 1998 Eritrean–Ethiopian War marked a turning point, and their relationship became increasingly hostile.
Upon the selection of Abiy Ahmed as Ethiopian Prime Minister, a peace agreement was forged, and ties between the neighbouring countries were re-established on 9 July 2018. The alliance between the two countries was strengthened in 2020 with Eritrean troops reportedly assisting the Ethiopian Army in the Tigray Conflict, but has since deteriorated as Eritrea has backed Somalia during the current escalations of the Ethiopian–Somali conflict.
On 1 October 2026, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced it was shutting its embassy in Asmara due to "hostility" and expelling 10 diplomats ordering them to leave the country within 48 hours.https://www.thehour.com/news/world/article/blasts-reported-in-ethiopian-capital-hours-after-22457472.php In response, Eritrea announced the severance of all diplomatic ties.
History
Early relations
The territories of present-day Ethiopia and Eritrea are closely linked since ancient times. The ancient Kingdom of Aksum, which existed from the 1st century AD to the early Middle Ages, encompassed parts of both countries. In the highlands of present-day Eritrea, Medri Bahri existed from the 15th century onwards as a Christian vassal state. It enjoyed semi-autonomy from the Ethiopian Empire for a time. At the same time, the Eritrean coastal regions were subject to foreign powers for a long time from the 16th century onwards: the Ottoman Empire occupied the port city of Massawa and controlled the islands and coasts of the Red Sea with interruptions for over three centuries.History, Historical Arguments and the Ethio‐Eritrean conflict: between xenophobic approaches and an ideology of unity In the 19th century, Egyptian troops also extended their influence to Eritrea, but were defeated by an Ethiopian army on the Mareb River in 1875. Towards the end of the 19th century, Eritrea became the focus of Italy's colonial ambitions. The Italian shipping company Rubattino acquired the coastal area around Assab in 1869, which became the property of the Italian state in 1882. In 1885, Italian troops occupied the port city of Massawa and began the gradual conquest of the Eritrean hinterland from there.
Colonial era Italy's expansion in the Horn of Africa led to conflict with Abyssinia (now Ethiopia). Emperor Yohannes IV initially resisted, but his successor, Menelik II, recognized Italian rule over the territories north of the Mereb River in the Treaty of Wuchale in 1889. When Italian troops attempted to advance from Eritrea into Abyssinia, they were decisively defeated by Menelik's army on March 1, 1896, in the Battle of Adwa. In the Treaty of Addis Ababa in 1896, Italy recognized Abyssinia's independence. In October 1935, fascist Italy launched an invasion of independent Ethiopia from Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. Ethiopia was defeated in 1936 and incorporated into the newly created Italian East Africa. However, this union was short-lived: During the World War II, British troops conquered both Eritrea and Ethiopia in 1941, ending Italian rule over both countries. Eritrea then came under British military administration. After the end of the war, discussions arose about the future of Eritrea, with proposals ranging from integration into the Ethiopian state to complete independence.
Province of Eritrea and independence war
On December 2, 1950, the UN General Assembly voted to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia. This federation came into effect in 1952, making Eritrea an autonomous province with its own parliament. However, autonomy was gradually eroded from within. The Unionist Party, which dominated the Eritrean government, sought complete union with Ethiopia and worked to dismantle the federal arrangement. The first Chief Executive, Tedla Bairu, suppressed the independent press, suspended the assembly repeatedly to avoid scrutiny, and ignored the Eritrean constitution. His successor, Asfaha Woldemikael, simultaneously served as the Emperor's vice-representative while holding the office of Chief Executive, collapsing the distinction between the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments in practice. In November 1962, the Eritrean Assembly voted 43 to zero to dissolve the federation and incorporate Eritrea into Ethiopia as a province. Upon announcing the dissolution, Asfaha declared that "the reunion is a recognition of our being Ethiopians" and that "the word federation did not even exist in our language."Negash, Tekeste. Eritrea and Ethiopia: The Federal Experience. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1997, p. 147.
In the decades that followed, the conflict escalated into a protracted war of independence. After Haile Selassie was overthrown in 1974, the Marxist Derg regime in Addis Ababa continued the war against Eritrean rebels with great severity. Various liberation movements (from 1970 onwards, primarily the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) under Isaias Afwerki) controlled large parts of the country at times. Finally, in 1991, the Eritrean independence fighters achieved complete military victory. The EPLF captured the capital Asmara in May 1991, making Eritrea de facto independent. Eritrea's independence was formally recognised when it was admitted into the UN after a referendum in 1993.
Secession of Eritrea On May 24, 1993, Eritrea was officially established as a sovereign state and recognized internationally. Ethiopia's transitional government under Meles Zenawi accepted the referendum result and immediately established diplomatic relations with the new state. In the first years after the secession, bilateral relations were friendly. The ruling Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in Ethiopia and the military government in Eritrea had been former allies in the fight against the Derg dictatorship and signed agreements on economic cooperation. Ethiopia, which now no longer had its own access to the sea, continued to use the Eritrean ports of Assab and Massawa for its foreign trade. In the mid-1990s, however, simmering tensions came to the surface. Disagreements over trade, currency, and the exact border demarcation strained relations. In 1997, Eritrea introduced its own currency, leading to economic conflicts with Ethiopia. In May 1998, border incidents in the Badme region escalated into open military conflict between the two states.
Eritrean–Ethiopian War
The Eritrean-Ethiopian border war from 1998 to 2000 was one of the bloodiest conflicts in Africa since the end of the Cold War. Over the course of two years of intense fighting, an estimated 70,000 to 80,000 people were killed. The war began with fighting over the disputed border town of Badme and spread along the entire border, with fierce battles over largely worthless and arid land. In December 2000, the Algiers Agreement, brokered by the African Union, officially ended the fighting. Both sides committed themselves to recognizing an independent border arbitration commission. To monitor the ceasefire, the United Nations stationed a peacekeeping mission (UNMEE) in the buffer zone between Eritrea and Ethiopia. In April 2002, the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) established a binding border, awarding Badme to Eritrea. However, Ethiopia refused to recognize the decision. As a result, the border remained unresolved and the peace agreement was only partially implemented.
Cold peace between 2000 and 2018 From 2000 to 2018, both countries remained in a state of hostile relations without a formal peace agreement. All diplomatic ties were severed, border crossings closed, and telephone and postal connections interrupted. Disagreements following the war have resulted in stalemate punctuated by periods of elevated tension and renewed threats of war. Eritrea maintained a military force on its border with Ethiopia roughly equal in size to Ethiopia's force, which has required a general mobilization of a significant portion of the population. Eritrea has viewed this border dispute as an existential threat to itself in particular and the African Union in general, because it deals with the supremacy of colonial boundaries in Africa. Since the border conflict, Ethiopia no longer uses Eritrean ports for its trade.
During the border conflict and since, Ethiopia has fostered militants against Eritrea (including ethnic separatists and religiously based organizations). Eritrea has retaliated by hosting militant groups against Ethiopia as well. The United Nations Security Council argues that Eritrea and Ethiopia have expanded their dispute to a second theater, Somalia.
In March 2012, Ethiopia attacked Eritrean army outposts along the border. Addis Ababa said the assault was in retaliation for the training and support given by Asmara to subversives while Eritrea said the U.S. had prior knowledge of the attack, an accusation denied by US officials.
Peace agreement
At a summit on 8 July 2018 in Asmara, Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed pledged to restore diplomatic relations and open their borders to each other. The next day, they signed a joint declaration formally ending the Eritrean–Ethiopian border conflict. Another peace agreement was signed in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia on 16 September later that year.
In September 2018, the increased close contacts of senior leadership in the Eritrea–Ethiopia relationship extended to the Tripartite Agreement that also included Somalia. Martin Plaut suggested that during a January 2020 trilateral meeting and bilateral Eritrea–Ethiopia visits in 2020, the leaders of the three countries discussed plans for the Tigray War prior to its official start with the 4 November 2020 Northern Command attacks.
Five years after the start of the Tigray War, a section of the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia was reopened at Zalambessa. This event marked the first gathering of Eritrean and Tigrayan frontier communities since the war, offering a symbolic moment of peace and reconciliation. Organised by local activists with tacit approval from Tigrayan and Eritrean officials, the reunion brought families and religious leaders together and even reignited cross-border trade using both currencies. Despite this move the official Eritrea–Ethiopia border remains closed and deep political tensions persist.
Tigray War and new hostilities