The foreign policy of the Recep Tayyip Erdoğan government concerns the policy initiatives made by Turkey towards other states under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan during his tenure as prime minister from 2003 to 2014.

Background

History The European Union and NATO are the main fixtures and the main elements of continuity in Turkish foreign policy. "Turkey experienced the direct impact of the post-Cold War atmosphere of insecurity, which resulted in a variety of security problems in Turkey's neighborhood. The most urgent issue for Turkish diplomacy, in this context, was to harmonize Turkey's influential power axes with the new international environment."

"During the Cold War, Turkey was a "wing country" under NATO's strategic framework, resting on the geographic perimeter of the Western alliance. NATO's strategic concept, however, has evolved in the post-Cold War era and so has Turkey's calculation of its strategic environment. Turkey's presence in Afghanistan is an example of this change." Turkey's involvement in NATO has increased during this government. Turkey also has advanced considerably in the European integration process compared with the previous decade, when it was not even clear whether the EU was seriously considering Turkey's candidacy.

Turkey has been building relations with its neighbors (including Iran and Syria), under a doctrine called 'zero troubles with neighbors'. These developments worried some Western observers that Turkey, frustrated by its stalled EU accession drive among other things, is seeking to recalibrate its foreign policy, not just by moving closer to the Muslim world but also by turning away from the West. Members of the government rejected these claims.

Doctrine Turkish foreign policy under the AKP administration has been associated with the name of Ahmet Davutoğlu. Davutoğlu was the chief foreign policy advisor of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan before he was appointed foreign minister in 2009. As an academic, he has outlined his foreign policy doctrine in several writings, most important of which is his book Strategic Depth. The implementation of Davutoğlu's foreign policy doctrine has contributed to a transformation of Turkish foreign policy and the rising importance of Turkey's diplomatic role, especially in the Middle East. While his doctrine is often dubbed as neo-Ottomanism, the use of this term is rather misleading. Ottomanism was a nineteenth-century liberal political movement aiming to the formation of a civic Ottoman national identity overarching ethnic, linguistic and religious identities. The term was briefly reinstated as "neo-Ottomanism" to characterize the foreign policy overtures of Turgut Özal in the late 1980s. While these involved increased interest in the Middle East, they share little of the conceptual content of Davutoğlu's vision. Davutoğlu's professorSıtkı Özcan, "Davutoğlu'nun hocasi şokta", Zaman, 17 December 2014 and close adviser of former president Turgut Özal, Greek geopolitician Dimitri Kitsikis has had a decisive influence on his geopolitical theory.Gilles Bertrand, «Turquie: dix ans après l'arrivée au pouvoir de l'AKP», 12e congrès de l'Association française de science politique, July 2013, Paris, France,see pp. 8-11

Although geopolitics still comprises a key framework of Davutoğlu's strategic thinking, it is supplemented by liberal elements, such as soft power, conflict resolution and promotion of "win-win" solutions. In his book "Strategic Depth," published in 2001, Davutoğlu elaborates on his strategic vision about Turkey. He argues that Turkey possesses "strategic depth" due to its history and geographic position and lists Turkey among a small group of countries which he calls "central powers". Turkey should not be content with a regional role in the Balkans or the Middle East, because it is not a regional but a central power. Hence, it should aspire to play a leading role in several regions, which could award it global strategic significance. In Davutoğlu's view, Turkey is a Middle Eastern, Balkan, Caucasian, Central Asian, Caspian, Mediterranean, Gulf and Black Sea country, can simultaneously exercise influence in all these regions and thus claim a global strategic role. In view of these, he rejects the perception of Turkey as a bridge between Islam and the West, as this would relegate Turkey to an instrument for the promotion of the strategic interests of other countries.

Davutoğlu identifies two conditions for Turkey to succeed in its global strategic ambitions. The first refers to its domestic politics, while the second to its relations with neighbours. On the domestic front, Turkey needs to resolve its own Kurdish question, as well as bridge the growing rift between the Islamist and secularist elements of Turkish society. Davutoğlu advocates the resolution of both conflicts on the basis of liberal principles: Turkey's strategic potential will be released if a fair and lasting solution for the Kurdish issue is reached, which will guarantee Kurdish minority rights within Turkey and a liberal consensus is achieved on the question of secularism between different segments of Turkish society. On the international front, Davutoğlu argues that Turkey needs to resolve all the bilateral disputes which have hampered its relations with its neighbours. In what was coined as "zero problem policy with neighbours," he states that in recent decades Turkey has wasted crucial efforts and time in conflicts with its neighbours. For Turkey to become a regional leader and play a global strategic role, it needs to overcome phobic syndromes and establish cordial relations with all its neighbours. Its foreign policy should aim to resolve all the pending disputes which Turkey's diplomatic inertia had accumulated in the past, so it can seek its own global strategic role. Developing closer relations with countries such as China, India, Russia and Brazil was identified as an important part of this process. Greater involvement in intercivilisational and interreligious dialogue was also designated as one a foreign policy priority, drawing on Turkey's historical and cultural ties.

Future The "2023 vision" of the government, to mark the Turkish Republic's centennial, was formulated by Davutoğlu as follows:

Africa

Somalia

Erdoğan's administration maintains strong ties with the Somali government. In 2011, the Turkish authorities announced that Turkey would reopen its embassy in Somalia. The Somali federal government also maintains an embassy in Ankara, Turkey's capital.

During the drought of 2011, Erdoğan's administration contributed over $201 million to humanitarian relief efforts in the impacted parts of Somalia. Following a greatly improved security situation in Mogadishu in mid-2011, the Turkish government also re-opened its foreign embassy with the intention of more effectively assisting in the post-conflict development process. It was among the first foreign administrations to resume formal diplomatic relations with Somalia after the civil war.

Additionally, Turkish Airlines became the first long-distance international commercial airline in two decades to land at Mogadishu's Aden Adde International Airport. As of March 2012, the flag carrier offers two flights a week from the Somali capital to Istanbul.

In partnership with the Somali government, Turkish officials have also launched various development and infrastructure projects in Somalia. They have assisted in the building of several hospitals, and helped renovate and rehabilitate the Aden Adde International Airport and the National Assembly building, among other initiatives.

Americas

Brazil

In May 2009, Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva visited to Turkey after visiting China and Saudi Arabia as part of his three-nation tour. In 2010, Erdoğan became the first Turkish prime minister ever to visit Brazil. He said that a new period started between Turkey and Brazil. During his visit to Brazil, Erdoğan received by Brazilian businessmen the medal of São Paulo's Industry Federation over his contributions to industry.

In 2009, direct flights of Turkish Airlines started from São Paulo to Istanbul. The Turkish Government encourages Turkish businessmen to form "Business Councils" and to participate in trade fairs and exhibitions in Latin America and the Caribbean. Turkish-Brazilian Business Council was established on the occasion of the visit of the former minister of foreign affairs, Abdullah Gül to Brazil in January 2006.

On 16 May 2010, after 17 hours of talks in Tehran, ministers from Brazil, Iran and Turkey had reached an agreement on the "principles" to revive a stalled nuclear fuel-swap deal backed by the United Nations. With the agreement signed by Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoglu, Iranian foreign minister Manuchehr Motaki and Brazilian foreign minister Celso Amorim, Iran is committed to give the 1200 kg of 3.5% enriched uranium to Turkey in exchange for 20% enriched uranium it will receive from Western countries to be used as fuel in the nuclear research reactor in Tehran.

"We did everything (the West) wanted and everything we could, now they have to say clearly whether they want to build peace or if they want to build conflict -- Turkey and Brazil are for peace," President Lula said.

Chile

On 14 July 2009, Turkey signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Chile in Santiago. Erdoğan became the first Turkish prime minister to visit Chile.

Declaration of the year 2006 as the "Year of Latin America and the Caribbean" in Turkey gave further impetus to Turkey's "Action Plan for Latin America and the Caribbean". Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Industry, Trade and Economy, representatives of the business organizations and academicians from the region as well as the Honorary Consuls in the region were invited to a series of events during "the Latin American and Caribbean Week", which was organized in Istanbul and Ankara between 5–11 June 2006.

United States

When Barack Obama became President of United States, he made his first overseas trip to Turkey in April 2009.

At a joint news conference in Turkey, Obama said: "I'm trying to make a statement about the importance of Turkey, not just to the United States but to the world. I think that where there's the most promise of building stronger U.S.-Turkish relations is in the recognition that Turkey and the United States can build a model partnership in which a predominantly Christian nation, a predominantly Muslim nation -- a Western nation and a nation that straddles two continents," he continued, "that we can create a modern international community that is respectful, that is secure, that is prosperous, that there are not tensions -- inevitable tensions between cultures -- which I think is extraordinarily important."

Europe

Armenia

Turkey was among the first countries in the world to recognize the state of Armenia after its independence in 1991. After Armenia supported the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh in their bid for independence, Turkey sided with its Turkic ally Azerbaijan over the First Nagorno-Karabakh War by closing its borders with Armenia. Since then, the border remains closed.

In 2005, international airspace between Armenia and Turkey was reopened. On 21 February 2008, President Abdullah Gül sent a message of congratulations to the newly elected Armenian president Serzh Sargsyan and said "that he hoped the victory of Sargsyan in Armenia's presidential election would lead to a normalization of relations between their estranged countries."