Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson (died 14 February 1229) ruled as King of the Isles from 1187 to 1226. He was the eldest son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles. Although the latter may have intended for his younger son, Óláfr, to succeed to the kingship, the Islesmen chose Rǫgnvaldr, who was likely Óláfr's half-brother. Rǫgnvaldr went on to rule the Kingdom of the Isles for almost forty years before losing control to Óláfr.
The Crovan dynasty may have reached its zenith during Rǫgnvaldr's reign.McDonald (2016) p. 336. Acclaimed in one near contemporary Scandinavian source as "the greatest warrior in the western lands",McDonald (2016) p. 336; Wadden (2014) p. 36; Crawford, BE (2013); McDonald (2007a) pp. 45, 56; McDonald (2007b) pp. 17, 29, 41, 101, 108, 120; Williams, G (2007) p. 147; MacQuarrie (2006); Sellar (1997–1998); Duffy (1993) p. 63; Barrow; Scott (1971) p. 25 n. 74. he lent military aid to William I, King of Scotland against the disaffected Haraldr Maddaðarson, Earl of Orkney and Caithness, and occupied Caithness for a short period of time at about the turn of the thirteenth century. Like his predecessors, Rǫgnvaldr was closely associated with the rulers of northern Wales. A daughter of his was betrothed to Rhodri ab Owain, a dynast of the ruling family of Gwynedd. In 1193, Rǫgnvaldr lent military aid to Rhodri against his rivals. Rǫgnvaldr was also involved in Irish affairs, as he was the brother-in-law of John de Courcy, one of the most powerful of the incoming Englishmen. With Courcy's eventual fall from power in the first decade of the thirteenth century, Rǫgnvaldr aided him in an unsuccessful attack on Courcy's rivals.
On numerous occasions from 1205 to 1219, Rǫgnvaldr bound himself to the English Crown by rendering homage to John, King of England and his successor, Henry III, King of England. In return for his vassalage, these English rulers promised to assist Rǫgnvaldr against any threats to his realm, whilst Rǫgnvaldr pledged to protect English interests in the Irish Sea zone. With the strengthening of Norwegian kingship in the first half of the century, the Norwegian Crown began to look towards the Isles, and in 1210 the region fell prey to a destructive military expedition. In consequence, Rǫgnvaldr rendered homage to Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway. The resurgence of Norwegian authority threat may well have been the reason why Rǫgnvaldr submitted to Pope Honorius III in 1219, and promised to pay a perpetual tribute for the protection of his realm.
Óláfr's allotment in Rǫgnvaldr's island-kingdom appears to have been Lewis and Harris. When confronted by Óláfr for more territory, Rǫgnvaldr had him seized and incarcerated by the Scots. After almost seven years in captivity, Óláfr was released in 1214, and Rǫgnvaldr arranged for him to marry the sister of his own wife. Óláfr was able to have this marriage annulled, sometime after 1217, whereupon he married the daughter of a rising Scottish magnate. Outright warfare broke out between the half-brothers in the 1220s, and Óláfr's gains forced Rǫgnvaldr to turn to the powerful Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway. Rǫgnvaldr and Alan bound themselves through the marriage of a daughter of Rǫgnvaldr to Alan's illegitimate son, Thomas. The prospect of a future Gallovidian king prompted the Manxmen to depose Rǫgnvaldr in favour of Óláfr. Although Rǫgnvaldr was initially aided against Óláfr by Alan and his family, Gallovidian military support dramatically diminished over time. On 14 February 1229, the forces of Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr clashed for the last time, and Rǫgnvaldr himself was slain. His body was conveyed to St Mary's Abbey, Furness and buried.
Sources
The main source for Rǫgnvaldr and his reign is the thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann, a historical account of the rulers of the Hebrides and Mann—the Crovan dynasty in particular—which survives in a Latin manuscript dating to the mid fourteenth century.McDonald (2012) pp. 151–152; McDonald (2007b) pp. 37–38. Although the chronicle is the region's only contemporary indigenous narrative source, it is certainly not without its faults. Not only is its chronology suspect in parts, but it appears to be biased in favour of one branch of the dynasty over another—specifically the line of Rǫgnvaldr's rival half-brother over that of his own.Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128; Woolf (2008); McDonald (2007b) pp. 37–38; Davey, PJ (2006b). Other important sources are royal acta of the dynasty. Of the twenty or so examples of such sources, six (all copies) were issued during Rǫgnvaldr's career.McDonald (2007b) p. 38. Numerous sources from outside the dynasty's domain—such as mediaeval chronicles and annals composed in England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the Continent—also pertain to his life and times. Several Scandinavian sagas also provide useful information, although the historicity of such sources is debatable in certain circumstances. Also important is surviving correspondence between the dynasty and the English royal court, and the Vatican as well. In addition, certain Welsh genealogies,McDonald (2007b) p. 39. and a contemporary Irish praise-poem composed in Rǫgnvaldr's honour, also cast light upon Rǫgnvaldr's life and times.McDonald (2007b) pp. 39, 117.
Antecedents and accession
Rǫgnvaldr was a son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles, and a member of the Crovan dynasty.McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1. In the mid twelfth century, Guðrøðr Óláfsson inherited the kingship of the Isles,Duffy (2004b). a region comprising the Hebrides and Mann.Sellar (2004). He soon faced internal opposition from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll,Duffy (2004b); Sellar (2004). who seized the Inner Hebridean portion of the kingdom in 1153. Three years later, Somairle seized the entire kingdom, and ruled the entirety of the Isles until his death in 1164. Although Guðrøðr Óláfsson regained the kingship, the territories lost to his brother-in-law in 1153 were retained by the latter's descendants, the Meic Somairle (or Clann Somairle).
Guðrøðr Óláfsson had one daughter and at least three sons: Affrica, Ívarr, Óláfr, and Rǫgnvaldr himself.McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 70. Although nothing else is certain of Ívarr,McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) p. 70. Óláfr's mother appears to have been Findguala Nic Lochlainn,McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 71–72. an Irishwoman whose marriage to Guðrøðr Óláfsson was formalised in 1176/1177, about the time of Óláfr's birth.McDonald (2007b) pp. 71–72. When Guðrøðr Óláfsson died in 1187, the Chronicle of Mann claims that he left instructions for Óláfr to succeed to the kingship since the latter had been born "in lawful wedlock".McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 66, 77; Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 94, 170; Duffy (2004c); Broderick (2003); Oram (2000) p. 105; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–79. Whether this is an accurate record of events is uncertain,Oram (2011) p. 156; McDonald (2007b) p. 94. as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr, who was only a child at the time, Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 46, 48, 66, 77; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71; Duffy (2004c); Oram (2000) pp. 105, 124; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 260; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–79.
Although the chronicle seems to imply that Findguala was also Rǫgnvaldr's mother, at no point does the source state as much. In fact, there is evidence which strongly suggests that Rǫgnvaldr was the son of another woman.McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73. For example, the surviving fragments of a letter sent from Óláfr to Henry III, King of England in about 1228 reveal that Óláfr described Rǫgnvaldr as a bastard son of his father.McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 136 § 9; Document 1/16/1 (n.d.). Furthermore, the contemporary Gaelic praise-poem, Baile suthach síth Emhna, declares that he was a son of Sadb,McDonald (2019) p. 78; Wadden (2014) p. 33; McDonald (2008) p. 134; McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73; Duffy (2004c); Clancy; Márkus (1998) pp. 237, 239; Skene (1890) pp. 410–427; Bardic Poetry Database (n.d.) § 279. Baile suthach sith Eamhna (or "suthain�?) $. an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been an unrecorded wife or concubine of Guðrøðr.McDonald (2019) p. 78; McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73. The likelihood that Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr had different mothers may well explain the intense conflict between the two men in the years that followed.McDonald (2019) pp. 78–79; McDonald (2007b) p. 73. This continuing kin-strife is one of the main themes of Rǫgnvaldr's long reign.McDonald (2012) p. 167.
Strained relations with Óláfr
According to the Chronicle of Mann, Rǫgnvaldr gave Óláfr possession of a certain island called "Lodhus". The chronicle disparagingly describes the island as being mountainous and rocky, completely unsuitable for cultivation, and declares that its small population lived mostly by hunting and fishing. In fact, Lewis is the northern part of the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis and Harris. Whilst the southern part—Harris—is somewhat mountainous, the northern part—Lewis—is rather flat and boggy. The chronicle, therefore, seems to have conflated the northern and southern parts of the island.McDonald (2007b) p. 44 n. 8; McDonald (1997) p. 151 n. 86. In any case, the chronicle claims that, because of the impoverishment of his lands, Óláfr was unable to support himself and his followers, and that in consequence he led "a sorry life".McDonald (2012) p. 167; Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128; McDonald (2007b) pp. 44, 77; Power (2005) p. 40; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) pp. 85, 151; Anderson (1922) pp. 456–457; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 82–85. The chronicle's otherwise perceptible prejudice against Rǫgnvaldr's branch of the Crovan dynasty, and its apparent bias in favour of Mann over the northernmost reaches of the realm, may also account for its denigrating depiction of Óláfr's allotted lands.Oram; Adderley (2010) p. 128.
In consequence of this supposed poverty, the chronicle claims that Óláfr went to Rǫgnvaldr, who was also living in the Hebrides, and confronted him for more land. Rǫgnvaldr's stated response was to have Óláfr seized and sent to William I, King of Scotland, who kept him imprisoned for almost seven years.McDonald (2019) p. 66; McDonald (2012) p. 167; Oram (2013); McDonald (2008) p. 145, 145 n. 74; McDonald (2007b) p. 78; Pollock (2005) p. 18 n. 93; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; (Goss 1874a) pp. 84–85. It may be more probable, however, that Rǫgnvaldr had taken action against Óláfr because the latter had approached the Norwegian Crown, and offered himself as a more palatable vassal-king in return for Norwegian support in deposing Rǫgnvaldr.Oram (2013); Oram (2011) p. 169. In any case, the chronicle states that William died during the seventh year of Óláfr's captivity, and that William had ordered the release of all his political prisoners before his passing. Since William died in December 1214,McDonald (2007b) p. 78; Scott (2004). Óláfr's incarceration appears to have spanned between about 1207 and 1214 or early 1215.McDonald (2019) p. 66; McDonald (2012) p. 176 n. 73; McDonald 2007 p. 78. Upon Óláfr's release, the chronicle reveals that the half-brothers met on Mann, after which Óláfr set off on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.